An analysis of the Awami League constitution, Sheikh Fazlul Karim Selim’s decades-long political journey, and his potential role in leading the party during a period of crisis.
F M SHAHIN
To understand any decision in politics, one must not look only at the name of the individual; one must also examine the organisation’s constitution, political traditions, and the continuity behind that decision. Recently, Awami League President Sheikh Hasina, daughter of Bangabandhu, gave an explanation based on the Awami League constitution in response to a media question about who would assume responsibility for the party in her absence. The essence of her statement is that, in the absence of the president, the senior-most Presidium member will perform the duties of acting president. It is in this context that the name of Sheikh Fazlul Karim Selim has come to the fore.
The current discussion surrounding Sheikh Selim cannot be explained solely through the politics of family ties. It is true that he is Sheikh Hasina’s paternal cousin; however, his political identity is much longer, broader, and richer in history than that.
Sheikh Selim, a freedom fighter of the Great Liberation War, began his political journey through student politics. Subsequently, he served as chairman of the Awami Jubo League and, after a long political journey, became a member of the Awami League Presidium. In other words, his journey from student politics to the important levels of the organisation has spanned several decades.
However, one of the most important chapters of his political life may not be known to many people of the present generation.
Following the assassination of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his family on August 15, 1975, the Awami League entered a period of severe crisis. Sheikh Selim’s own elder brother, Sheikh Fazlul Haque Moni, was also martyred that day. Amid the devastating personal grief, the struggle to sustain Awami League politics began.
Sheikh Selim’s role in the 1979 parliamentary election and the subsequent parliamentary politics was a significant chapter of that difficult period. When the Awami League faced tremendous political and organisational adversity following Bangabandhu’s assassination, he played a strong political role in Parliament. Millions of leaders and activists across the country would eagerly wait to hear Sheikh Selim’s speeches in Parliament. The history of the Awami League’s struggle during that period needs to be presented to the new generation in greater detail. This is because the history of a political party is not merely the history of being in power; its history of remaining outside power is equally important.
Another important chapter of that period was Banglar Bani. Associated with Bangabandhu’s political family, the publication was not merely a newspaper at the time; it was also an important platform for preserving the Awami League’s political and cultural sphere. During difficult times, Sheikh Selim helped many political workers and leaders maintain their professional lives and political involvement by keeping them associated with Banglar Bani—he even arranged livelihoods for many prominent leaders of today. This history, too, deserves to be brought into the discussion in its proper perspective.
Thereafter, Sheikh Selim passed through several important stages during the Awami League’s long political journey. He led the Jubo League, joined the central leadership of the Awami League, became a member of the Presidium, and also held state responsibilities. Since 1979, he has been elected as a Member of Parliament nine consecutive times. He had to endure imprisonment repeatedly for playing important roles in various movements and struggles. He was arrested once during the Ershad government, during Begum Khaleda Zia’s Operation Clean Heart, and he also suffered imprisonment during the one-eleven government of 2007. Therefore, explaining Sheikh Hasina’s trust in him today solely through their family relationship would obscure a significant part of his political experience.
The reality facing the Awami League today is different from any previous period. Following the political changeover of August 5, 2024, the party is out of power, facing a severe organisational crisis, and standing at a crossroads regarding the determination of its future political path.
Sheikh Selim’s long political career has made him a witness to the history of the Awami League. Through personal grief on August 15, the difficult period following Bangabandhu’s assassination, student and youth politics, parliamentary struggles, and the Awami League’s long journey through political rises and falls, he has been able to establish his political position.
However, one thing is clear—viewing Sheikh Selim merely as a member of the Bangabandhu family would undermine his political history. He must be viewed as a veteran organiser, a former student leader, former chairman of the Jubo League, long-serving Presidium member, and a direct participant in the difficult political period following Bangabandhu’s assassination.
The constitution has brought him into the potential line of responsibility, and, if necessary, he will now have to face the test of leadership. Therefore, what lies before Sheikh Selim today is not merely a position; it is the weight of a long political legacy. How effectively he can carry that weight will become the greatest political test of his days ahead.
F M SHAHIN is a writer, journalist and film maker.
Email - fmshahin71@gmail.com
F M SHAHIN
To understand any decision in politics, one must not look only at the name of the individual; one must also examine the organisation’s constitution, political traditions, and the continuity behind that decision. Recently, Awami League President Sheikh Hasina, daughter of Bangabandhu, gave an explanation based on the Awami League constitution in response to a media question about who would assume responsibility for the party in her absence. The essence of her statement is that, in the absence of the president, the senior-most Presidium member will perform the duties of acting president. It is in this context that the name of Sheikh Fazlul Karim Selim has come to the fore.
The current discussion surrounding Sheikh Selim cannot be explained solely through the politics of family ties. It is true that he is Sheikh Hasina’s paternal cousin; however, his political identity is much longer, broader, and richer in history than that.
Sheikh Selim, a freedom fighter of the Great Liberation War, began his political journey through student politics. Subsequently, he served as chairman of the Awami Jubo League and, after a long political journey, became a member of the Awami League Presidium. In other words, his journey from student politics to the important levels of the organisation has spanned several decades.
However, one of the most important chapters of his political life may not be known to many people of the present generation.
Following the assassination of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his family on August 15, 1975, the Awami League entered a period of severe crisis. Sheikh Selim’s own elder brother, Sheikh Fazlul Haque Moni, was also martyred that day. Amid the devastating personal grief, the struggle to sustain Awami League politics began.
Sheikh Selim’s role in the 1979 parliamentary election and the subsequent parliamentary politics was a significant chapter of that difficult period. When the Awami League faced tremendous political and organisational adversity following Bangabandhu’s assassination, he played a strong political role in Parliament. Millions of leaders and activists across the country would eagerly wait to hear Sheikh Selim’s speeches in Parliament. The history of the Awami League’s struggle during that period needs to be presented to the new generation in greater detail. This is because the history of a political party is not merely the history of being in power; its history of remaining outside power is equally important.
Another important chapter of that period was Banglar Bani. Associated with Bangabandhu’s political family, the publication was not merely a newspaper at the time; it was also an important platform for preserving the Awami League’s political and cultural sphere. During difficult times, Sheikh Selim helped many political workers and leaders maintain their professional lives and political involvement by keeping them associated with Banglar Bani—he even arranged livelihoods for many prominent leaders of today. This history, too, deserves to be brought into the discussion in its proper perspective.
Thereafter, Sheikh Selim passed through several important stages during the Awami League’s long political journey. He led the Jubo League, joined the central leadership of the Awami League, became a member of the Presidium, and also held state responsibilities. Since 1979, he has been elected as a Member of Parliament nine consecutive times. He had to endure imprisonment repeatedly for playing important roles in various movements and struggles. He was arrested once during the Ershad government, during Begum Khaleda Zia’s Operation Clean Heart, and he also suffered imprisonment during the one-eleven government of 2007. Therefore, explaining Sheikh Hasina’s trust in him today solely through their family relationship would obscure a significant part of his political experience.
The reality facing the Awami League today is different from any previous period. Following the political changeover of August 5, 2024, the party is out of power, facing a severe organisational crisis, and standing at a crossroads regarding the determination of its future political path.
Sheikh Selim’s long political career has made him a witness to the history of the Awami League. Through personal grief on August 15, the difficult period following Bangabandhu’s assassination, student and youth politics, parliamentary struggles, and the Awami League’s long journey through political rises and falls, he has been able to establish his political position.
However, one thing is clear—viewing Sheikh Selim merely as a member of the Bangabandhu family would undermine his political history. He must be viewed as a veteran organiser, a former student leader, former chairman of the Jubo League, long-serving Presidium member, and a direct participant in the difficult political period following Bangabandhu’s assassination.
The constitution has brought him into the potential line of responsibility, and, if necessary, he will now have to face the test of leadership. Therefore, what lies before Sheikh Selim today is not merely a position; it is the weight of a long political legacy. How effectively he can carry that weight will become the greatest political test of his days ahead.
F M SHAHIN is a writer, journalist and film maker.
Email - fmshahin71@gmail.com
Post a Comment